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Public·51 members
Julian Baker
Julian Baker

Subtitle Prisoners

(1) In the absence of an agreement on jail costs between a county and all municipalities having law enforcement agencies in the county, the quorum court in a county in this state may by ordinance establish a daily fee to be charged municipalities for keeping prisoners of municipalities in the county jail.

subtitle Prisoners


Some of the sub-camps of Ravensbrück which held women were placed under the administration of Buchenwald in September 1944. Female prisoners therefore entered the Buchenwald camp system for the first time in the autumn of 1944. Separate number cards were kept for them. These had the same function as the number cards for male prisoners which were issued in the Buchenwald main camp. On these cards, the prisoner number that had been assigned to each woman was noted, as well as when the prisoner had arrived at which sub-camp.

Since all female prisoners of the sub-camps of Buchenwald were registered with a number card, the Arolsen Archives have tens of thousands of these cards. Most of them are old sick bay cards, which can be identified by the yellowish color of the paper. But there are also versions on red or green paper. The red cards were written on the back of certificates of receipt. The green cards are personal effects cards that were no longer needed.

On documents such as the Prisoner Registration Cards for female prisoners in the sub-camps of Buchenwald, there is often no indication that these women were in a sub-camp. The number cards can therefore help determine in which sub-camp they were imprisoned. On the prisoner registration cards for women, Buchenwald is always listed as the issuing camp, but this does not mean that the prisoners were actually housed in the main camp. This is because these women, most of whom were transported directly to a sub-camp, were officially considered to be prisoners of Buchenwald. Therefore, whenever a number card has been preserved, it is important to check whether a sub-camp is mentioned, and if so, which one.

Sub Saharan African (SSA) prisons have seen a substantial increase in women prisoners in recent years. Despite this increase, women prisoners constitute a minority in male dominated prison environments, and their special health needs are often neglected. Research activity on prison health remains scant in SSA, with gathering of strategic information generally restricted to infectious diseases (human immunodeficiency virus infection HIV/tuberculosis TB), and particularly focused on male prisoners. Health care provisions for women (and pregnant women) in SSA prisons are anecdotally reported to fall far short of the equivalence care standards mandated by human rights and international recommendations, and the recent agreements set out in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Minimum Standards for HIV in Prisons.

Prisons in Sub Saharan Africa (SSA) have seen an increase of 22% in women prisoners in recent years [12, 13]. Women constitute between 1 and 4% of the total SSA prison population [14]. Appalling physical conditions are caused by overcrowding due to high rates of pre-trial detention, poor infrastructure and weak health and criminal-justice systems. Environments are characterized by staff and inmate physical and sexual abuse, food insecurity, and lack of sanitations, with compromised access to health care services exacerbating spread of infectious disease such as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection and tuberculosis (TB) in SSA prisons [7, 15,16,17,18]. HIV prevalence in SSA prisons is estimated to be between two and fifty times that of non-prison populations [7] with TB prevalence, six to thirty times that of national rates [19, 20]. In relation to the HIV epidemic, of most concern is that female sex is associated with prevalent HIV infection in SSA prisons [17].

Additionally, prevention efforts were observed to be weak with nurses lacking in training of preventative medicine and insufficient clinical staff in prisons in Malawi, Tanzania, Swaziland, South Africa, Mauritius and Zimbabwe [65]. Other studies described lack of national resource allocation to prisons as a barrier to HIV/TB management [65]. In Mali Voluntary Counselling and Testing (VCT) was not routinely provided and female prisoners cited lack of confidentiality by health providers, stigma and awareness of low ARV availability as barriers to uptake of VCT [66]. A review with 5 case studies in SSA underscored the challenge of assessing the magnitude of the burden of disease of TB among women prisoners, which is reportedly compounded by lack of data disaggregation [17].

The issue of HIV/AIDS in SSA prisons is both a human rights and public health issue, which requires a strategic approach with shared public health and human rights goals in policies, to prevent HIV transmission and improve health for all, whilst at the same time ensuring equivalence of care to that provided outside prison, with the respect of human rights and dignity of those infected and requiring treatment [72]. It underscores the imperative that women prisoners are advocated for as a priority risk population and SSA prisons must continue to contribute positively to broader efforts to control communicable diseases in the general population. This is vitally important given prison release and the return of women and their children to their communities, and one that is cognisant of their distinct vulnerabilities as HIV/TB risk population and the continuing disproportionate level of HIV/AIDS affecting women and girls in the SSA region [15, 18, 68, 69].

Due principally to the criminalization and imprisonment of people who use drugs, and the role of unsterile injecting equipment as the primary risk factor in incident cases, the global burden of hepatitis C (HCV) is disproportionately borne by people in prison [1,2,3]. Prevalence in custodial settings is up to 40 times greater than in the general community [2]. In Australia, while antibody prevalence among the general prison population is approximately 22%, this rises to well-over double that among prisoners who report a history of injecting drug use [4]. Although rates of injecting decrease following imprisonment [5], the frequency of sharing injecting equipment increases, thereby significantly raising the per episode risk of HCV transmission [6].

A SToP-C qualitative sub-study of key stakeholders from both the study prisons (prisoners, prison officers and prison-health staff) and the community (expert stakeholders) was conducted. Interviews with prisoner participants were conducted both before and after treatment, while interviews with the other stakeholders were conducted once towards the end of the trial. This paper presents findings from interviews with HCV expert stakeholders.

With the funds available to carry out this part for the benefit of Federal prisoners, the Attorney General, acting through the Director of the Bureau of Prisons, shall select eligible prisoners to live in community correctional facilities with their children.

The surprising phenomenon is just one example of the sub-standard health care prisoners in the province receive, despite suffering from sky-high rates of physical and mental ailments, says the document, obtained under freedom of information legislation.

On September 30, 1943, 251 prisoners from quarantine in Block 8 were taken to the camp bathhouse, where, after bathing and disinfection they received new clothes, leather shoes, two blankets, a bowl and utensils for eating. In addition, each of them received a loaf of bread, a cube of margarine, sausages and a portion of a bottle or a mess-tin of coffee. [3]

On October 1, 1943 the prisoners were taken to the railway station in Oświęcim, where they were loaded into five rail wagons. The prisoners were guarded by German police. On the night of October 2, 1943 the rail wagons halted on the Brno railway station siding in Czechoslovakia. The wagons were opened in the morning and the prisoners were transported under guard by truck to the building of the Technical Academy of SS and Police.

They were quartered in the halls on the second floor of a wing of the building, where the windows were barred. The rooms contained metal beds with mattresses and blankets. The prisoners did not have to share bunks. On the same floor there were also baths with showers and toilets. The accommodation and conditions were much better than at the main Auschwitz camps.

In Brno remained between 28 and 36 prisoners who were transferred to a wooden barrack outside of the main academy building. These prisoners performed a variety of finishing and cleaning tasks in the academy building, until the liberation.

As already indicated the prisoners not only worked but also lived in the building. A room on the second floor of one of the wings was adapted for their use. Unfortunately, we failed to determine in which wing of the building the prisoners lived. In spite of modernization the building retains its original shape.

In this audio file, Ayatollah Montazeri talks to members of Tehran death commission criticizes the execution of political prisoners in 1988. He tells them that the biggest crime that has been carried out in the Islamic Republic of Iran, is committed by them and they will be remembered as criminals in the history.

Death Comissions were established in the summer of 1988 across the country by the order of Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Regime of Iran to eliminate political prisoners who had survived mass executions of early years of 1980s.

As of 31 December 2020, there are 1,306 functioning jails in India, having 4,88,511 prisoners and actual capacity to house 4,14,033 prisoners. The 1,306 prisons in the country consist of 145 Central Jails, 413 District Jails, 565 Sub Jails, 88 Open Jails, 44 Special Jails, 29 Women Jails, 19 Borstal Schools and 3 Other Jails. Delhi has the highest number of Central Jails while Uttar Pradesh has the highest number of District Jails. Rajasthan has the highest total number of Jails.[1] 041b061a72


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